Greece's Sudden Immigration Crisis Overwhelms International Aid System - Essay Sample

Introduction

The sudden arrival of immigrants, especially Greece, blindsided the international humanitarian system dealing with displacement in other poorer regions. International N.G.O.s were slow to respond to the need for humanitarian assistance in Greece as they believed the country could act independently. Most international N.G.O.s had no operational agreements with European governments, no funding lines, no presence in refugee-affected areas, and no ways to mobilize resources for responding in Europe (Dimitris & Loannis, 2016). Many feared getting involved as they thought it a bad idea to be seen helping independent government funding. Led by European N.G.O.s and funded by European states and the European Union, the international humanitarian system faltered to be mobilized on European territory (Skleparis & Armakolas, 2016). Humanitarian agencies found it hard to find funding from traditional donors in Europe. Major Greek N.G.O.s fund it hard to respond to the humanitarian crisis due to their commitment to ongoing aid programs in mainland Greece (Pamela, 2016). Local and national red cross societies weakly performed in some communities but did nothing in others at all. The actual humanitarian response is judged a failure in many respects since vulnerable people have not been well protected, and basic needs have not been met. Many European governments, including Greece, varied in their willingness to support humanitarian support, probably out of inexperience, lack of resources, or even outright hostility to the refugees. Volunteers responded as everyday humanitarians by collecting and sorting clothes or food for distribution, building shelters, cooking, rescuing people from the sea, providing first aid, setting up laundries, creating libraries and language courses, digging drainage systems, and putting in water pipes (Chtouris & Miller, 2017). They also provided blankets, snacks, and medical care. Fishers in Greece rescued people from the sea while local villagers fed and clothed them. Thousands of volunteers, even today, are a lifeline for refugees all over Europe. Individual citizens fill the international aid void for displaced people, which is a remarkable positive response (Kalogeraki, 2018). The media showcased Greek islanders working in the hotel and hospitality industry welcoming refugees. They also did a professional need assessment, which would be used in courts to force municipalities to provide improved sanitation and water (Jarmusch, 2019).

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However, the humanitarian response to the refugee crisis began to change in 2015 when the world humanitarian summit brought together N.G.O.s, government, the U.N., and the private sector to discuss improving humanitarian response through cooperation and strong participation (Pamela, 2016). At first, N.G.O.s and international organizations deployed assessment missions rather than actual humanitarian response relief operations, which further aggravated enough response to the humanitarian crisis. However, the national and international N.G.O.s began to work closely with volunteers to provide humanitarian services like providing healthcare, rescuing people at the seas, transporting asylum seekers to the hotspots, etc. (Skleparis & Armakolas, 2016). The international rescue committee later expanded its Lesbos operations to the north of the island, which changed the volunteer's response based on more professional and official operations by most organizations. Tensions arose between professional N.G.O.s and volunteer as the former started offering services to areas first handled by the latter, which led to creating two separate camps in Lesbos (Dimitris & Loannis, 2016). The media came in to air the absence of state supervision that led to the creation of issues of coordination, effectiveness, and accountability of the response. The conflict between N.G.O.s and the local community was also aired. The process paved the way for increased involvement of the state in humanitarian response.

The state, national, and international N.G.O.s and organizations were left in charge of the crisis response with the banning of all unregistered volunteers to the effect (Skleparis & Armakolas, 2016). However, the state’s involvement was guided by national security rather than humanitarian concerns. Some states responded by closing borders to make movement more difficult, punishing refugees with detention, family separation, or even physical violence (Pamela, 2016). The Greek parliament later made a law that limited volunteers and other minor civil actors’ access to the now army-led refugee camps. Major national and international N.G.O.s were the only groups allowed to access the facilities. Europe is focused on stopping migration rather than protecting people's human rights (Dimitris & Loannis, 2016). In response, many N.G.O.s have decided not to work in Greece, given the conditions.

Measures that Took Place to Address the Unaccompanied Children Needs

Hundreds of unaccompanied children get trapped on the islands. Only a small fraction get into the so-called safe areas, crammed into portable containers that do not have locks, and less decent living conditions (Chtouris & Miller, 2017). The majority live in inhumane and degrading conditions in the informal settlement areas, struggling to access education, food, toilets, water, and showers. Among them are also children suffering from complex and chronic medical conditions, which they cannot get medical treatment on the islands unaccompanied children in Greece require urgent care and protection specific to their gender and ages (Pankaj, 2018). Humanitarians argued that Multi-sectorial coordination and responses at national, local, and European Union levels require prioritization to sustainably manage migration and allow the children to recover from their ordeals and contribute to societal inclusiveness.

Humanitarians stressed that national systems need to be strengthened, and access to basic services for the unaccompanied children improved. Such efforts require tolerance, diversity, and social cohesion programs to be implemented under global compacts on migration and refugees. For example, UNICEF would support governments to align their national policies with regional and international norms to improve their capacities to address the unaccompanied children's immediate and long-term needs (Pankaj, 2018). The process would entail the removal of barriers to education, public health, and social welfare services. There is a need to train Social workers and frontline personnel to identify health-associated risks, accompany the children and caregivers through asylum, and ensure immediate referrals to specialized services (McDonough & Tsourdi, 2012). Teachers also require assistance in strengthening their approaches to intercultural education and teaching foreign language and life skills. Unaccompanied children in reception facilities and urban areas will access mental health and psychosocial support through direct service provision in certain selected locations. They also argued that priorities needed to be given to the unaccompanied children in addition to legal aid and guardianship. School-aged unaccompanied children should benefit from after-school support and public school inclusion (Gkionakis, 2016). Children who are survivors of gender-based violence should receive age and gender appropriate referrals, information, and support (Pankaj, 2018). The humanitarian’s advocacy focused on national and regional policy reforms that uphold unaccompanied children’s rights to safe migration, age assessment, and an end to child immigration detention and secure unhindered access to basic social services like education and healthcare.

References

Chtouris, S., and Miller, D.S., 2017. Refugee flows and volunteers in the current humanitarian crisis in Greece. Journal of Applied Security Research, 12(1), pp.61-77. https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Sotirios_Chtouris/publication/312398820_Refugee_Flows_and_Volunteers_in_the_Current_Humanitarian_Crisis_in_Greece/links/5889bd8592851c06a13655f5/Refugee-Flows-and-Volunteers-in-the-Current-Humanitarian-Crisis-in-Greece.pdf

Dimitris, S., and Loannis, A., 2016. The refugee crisis and the role of N.G.O.s, civil society, and media in Greece. Balkan Human Corridor, pp. 12-43.

Gkionakis, N., 2016. The refugee crisis in Greece: Training border security, police, volunteers, and aid workers in psychological first aid. Intervention, 14(1), pp.73-79. https://babeldc.gr/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/The_refugee_crisis_in_Greece___training_border.8.pdf

Jarmusch, C., 2019. Part-time humanitarians: International volunteers in the humanitarian response to the 'European refugee crisis' in Greece. https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1334276/FULLTEXT01.pdf

Kalogeraki, S., 2018. Volunteering for refugees and asylum seekers in Greece. In Solidarity in Europe (pp. 169-194). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/27870/1002134.pdf?sequence=1#page=183

McDonough, P., and Tsourdi, E., 2012. The "other" Greek crisis: Asylum and E.U. solidarity. Refugee survey quarterly, 31(4), pp.67-100. http://www.academia.edu/download/36792494/Asylum_and_EU_solidarity.full.pdf

Pamela, D., 2016. Refugees and vulnerable migrants in Europe, Europe’s humanitarian response to refugee and migrant flows: Volunteerism thrives as the international system falls short. Humanitarian Exchange, 67(1), pp. 1-50.

Pankaj, P.A.U.L., 2018. The Protection of Unaccompanied Children in Humanitarian Crises. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/14f8/a4be0db337d59f936e22e9c4e8f92bd4fbdd.pdf

Skleparis, D., and Armakolas, I., 2016. The refugee crisis and the role of N.G.O.s, civil society, and media in Greece. Balkan Human Corridor: Essays on the Refugee and Migrant Crisis from Scholars and Opinion Leaders in Southeast Europe, pp.171-184. http://www.academia.edu/download/46861248/Skleparis_and_Armakolas_2016.pdf