Why Black Neo-Conservatives matter

Published: 2018-01-13 11:54:59
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Clarence Thomas

Thomas affirms that affirmative action is bait that has successfully captured African Americans. Thomas states that most black people blame their failings on white people. He states that this should not be the case; they should take responsibility for their failures and mistakes. He claims that black people are divided along class lines and the divisions along class lines outweigh racism about discrimination. His work targets the African American community and the American government (Thomas 13). 

He states that African Americans are confused about the nature of their responsibilities. He claims that most African Americans believe that because the government ignored the repercussions of racism for a long time, it should bear the entire burden correcting the problem. He states that direct and large-scale intervention can ensure that the cycle of deprivation that is associated with the African American community is resolved. He is also of the opinion that development of human capital among poor African- Americans will be invaluable towards addressing the inequality problem (Jones 370).

He is of the opinion that jobs, education, and housing should be promoted among the African American community as a step towards ensuring that the issue of racism and the inequality problem is addressed. He affirms that use of quotas for hiring, college admissions and jobs for the benefit of African – Americans and other minority groups perpetuates a culture of dependency among African- Americans and it is a violation of constitutional principles (Thomas 27). 

He argues that affirmative action has done nothing to alleviate poverty among African- Americans. According to Thomas, middle- class blacks are the ones who would be able to gain access to schools and employment opportunities. He also states that affirmative action deters African- Americans from forging an independent and group economy. He argues that even though affirmative action stresses on integration, its emphasis is on outward mobility, it sacrifices black institutions through inattention and lack of support. He states that forced school integration is retrogressive. He states that blacks will never be seen as whites and there is a high chance that school integration will worsen race relations. He states “black children gain nothing by simply seating next to whites and can do quite well in their schools” (Jones 370).

Thomas arguments are partially convincing. There is a need for the African American community to rise above historical injustices a chart a progressive path that will lead them to prosperity. Thomas work is different from most of other works in black political thought. Most other works in black political thought support affirmative action and use of quotas; quotas are seen as a tool to increase chances of African Americans success in life. 

Alan Keyes

Keys states that most of the black ‘underclass’ are underachievers, criminally inclined and unmotivated to do something constructive with their lives. He opposes the legacy of Black power era. He blames the Black power era for instilling a sense of entitlement among African Americans. His work targets the African American community (Jones 384). 

He alleges that civil rights movement’s leaders unfairly benefited from manipulation of African Americans by use of the race issue. He states that the civil rights legislation created a situation whereby African Americans are embroiled in pathological dependency (Keyes and Grant 35). 

He opposes the stance that has always been taken by a majority of African- Americans as being victims of racial prejudice in the United States. He asserts that unless African- Americans stop seeing themselves as victims, they will never be free. He states that most African- Americans subscribe to the victim oriented identity that exaggerates effects of racism to evoke guilt among white people. He affirms that affirmative action perpetuates victimization among African Americans. He states that welfare perpetuates victimization among African- Americans. He advocates for free enterprise as one of the ways blacks can be freed, and race issues can be resolved (Johnson et al. 24). 

He states that liberal programs have made African Americans be profoundly embroiled in pathological dependency. He states that the pathological dependency that African- Americans are embroiled in is the major reason for the debilitating conditions of the Black’s underclass (Jones 391). 

Keyes arguments are convincing; there is a lot of pathological dependency among the African American community; this habit has to come to an end if black people want to be treated with the same respect accorded to whites. Keyes work is different from most of other works in black political thought. Most other works in black political thought cherish the Black power era

Michael Steele

Black states that individuals should take personal responsibility in overcoming racial barriers and not depend on the government in entirety to fight the vice. He argues that personal responsibility is the two paths that provide solutions to race problems that African Americans have grappled with for a very long time. He is against liberalism, and he opposes the legacy of the Civil Rights movement (Jones 407). 

Steele arguments are convincing; there is a need for African Americans to stop being bitter and blameful of whites for their predicament. African Americans also have to be reconciliatory to their white counterparts as a step towards ensuring that the ugly face of racism is eradicated. He states that the pathological dependency that blacks are embroiled in is the major cause of slow progress about education and economic empowerment among African- Americans. He states that affirmative action impedes the racial progress of the American people. He opposes the commonly held view in the United States that white supremacy is prevalent and has become more subtle (Horowitz 15). 

He is against social policies that encourage African Americans to continue being dependants of social welfare. He is of the opinion that African- Americans should be economically empowered so that they may stop being dependents of the state. He affirms that it is by being economically independent that the integrity of the African- American community can be restored (Tate and Randolph 15).

Steele’s work is quite convincing; there is a need for African-Americans to play an important role in improving race relations in the United States. Steele’s work is different from most of other works in black political thought. Most other works in black political thought perpetuate a victim mentality among African Americans, Steele urges African Americans to shed of the mentality. 

Works Cited

Horowitz, David. Black Book of the American Left: The Collected Conservative Writings of David Horowitz. Los Angeles: Second Thoughts Books, 2013. Print.

Jones, Angela. The Modern African American Political Thought Reader: From David Walker to Barack Obama. New York, NY: Routledge, 2013. Print.

Johnson, Ollie A, and Karin L. Stanford. Black Political Organizations in the Post-Civil Rights Era. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 2002. Print.

Keyes, Alan L, and George Grant. Our Character, Our Future: Reclaiming America's Moral Destiny. Grand Rapids, Mich: Zondervan Pub. House, 1996. Print.

Tate, Gayle T, and Lewis A. Randolph. Dimensions of Black Conservatism in the United States: Made in America. London/Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Print.

Thomas, Andrew P. Clarence Thomas: A Biography. San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2001. Print.

sheldon

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